Umno Veterans Club secretary Mustapha Yaakub claims that Bersatu is aware that PAS has been trying to join the unity government through intermediaries.
An Umno veteran has called on Bersatu to dissolve and return to Umno, claiming that PAS has made several attempts to join the unity government.
Umno Veterans Club secretary Mustapha Yaakub alleged that Bersatu is well aware of PAS’s attempts to convince Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim to accept them into the federal coalition.
Mustapha dismissed talk of cooperation between Bersatu and Umno, urging instead for a complete reintegration, similar to how Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dissolved Semangat 46 to rejoin Umno in the 1990s.
“In reality, such statements show Bersatu’s anxiety over its future with PAS in a fractured Perikatan Nasional,” Sinar Harian quoted him as saying.
“Bersatu knows that PAS has been lobbying Anwar for entry into the unity government, not once, but on several occasions through their intermediaries.”
“Not just once, but many times PAS has sent their ‘representatives’ to meet with Anwar for that purpose.”
His comments come after Bersatu secretary-general Hamzah Zainudin said in a podcast the party was open to working with Umno due to shared ideological values.
Hamzah reiterated this stance during the recent Ayer Kuning by-election, which Umno won with an increased majority despite low voter turnout.
Mustapha, however, said the best route forward for Bersatu was to return “en bloc” to Umno, describing it as the most effective way to fight for religion, race and country.
“It’s not about cooperating with Umno, but being part of Umno,” he said, adding that Hamzah’s repeated overtures should be viewed as sincere and constructive.
Source : FMT
PAS in discussions with government, says Fahmi
COMMUNICATIONS Minister Fahmi Fadzil has neither denied nor confirmed rumours that PAS will be joining the federal unity government.
The government spokesman there are many “ongoing discussions” between the government and the opposition leaders.
“There are a lot of discussions between menteri besar and MPs from PAS. We can see discussions between the menteris besar from PAS, for example, talking with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, and talks between parliament members and the prime minister,”
Source : The Vibes
PAS has long envisioned itself as a leader in creating a balanced and inclusive nation
From its origins as an Islamic bureau within UMNO to its current status as a significant force in Malaysian politics, Malaysia’s oldest Islamist political party’s journey reflects a complex interplay of ideological commitment, political pragmatism and evolving national dynamics.
Today, PAS stands at a critical juncture. With 43 parliamentary seats secured in the 2022 general election — the highest for any single party — the party has demonstrated substantial electoral strength.
However, its ability to transition from a regional powerhouse to a national governing force remains an open question.
From UMNO’s Bureau to Political Powerhouse.
PAS traces its roots back to 1951 when members of UMNO’s Bureau of Religious Affairs, dissatisfied with the party’s secular nationalist focus, broke away to form the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party, which later became PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia).
Initially a small party led by religious scholars and activists, PAS positioned itself as a voice for rural Malays who felt sidelined by UMNO’s urban-centred policies.
Its first major breakthrough came in the 1959 general election when it captured control of Kelantan and Terengganu. These victories solidified its reputation as a stronghold for Malay-Muslim politics on the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia.
The 1960s saw PAS navigating turbulent times, including a brief stint in the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition in 1974. This experiment ended in 1977 due to ideological differences.
In 1980s, under leaders like the late Yusof Rawa and Datuk Seri Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, PAS shifted towards a more radical vision of an Islamic state. This period of ideological consolidation strengthened its grassroots networks, particularly in Kelantan, which PAS has governed almost uninterrupted since 1990.
The early 2000s saw PAS adopting a more inclusive strategy under the “PAS for All” banner during its alliance with Pakatan Rakyat.
Aiming for National Leadership
PAS is committed to narrowing the economic gap through mechanisms like wakaf, zakat and Islamic banking, says Fadhli (Pic courtesy of Fadhli)
According to PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari, the party’s long-term strateg y focuses on economic reform, social welfare and inclusivity, all anchored in Islamic principles.
“PAS is committed to narrowing the economic gap through mechanisms like wakaf, zakat and Islamic banking,” he said.
The party also prioritises renewable energy (RE) and digital transformation as drivers of future growth. He added that investments in RE and digital transformation are key priorities for driving future growth.
PAS also plans to develop states under its governance — such as Kelantan and Terengganu — to serve as models of progress.
“We believe Islam provides solutions for fostering harmony and justice in a multi-religious society,” he said.
PAS has rarely been associated with the prime seat of economic development but is seen more and more as a political party that has professional and capable leaders.
During the Terengganu Budget tabling last week, Mentri Besar and PAS VP Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar said the state government has set a target for Terengganu to achieve a revenue of RM510 million by 2030.
He said state government has set 25 initiatives, known as High Priority Initiatives, that will be given high priority to achieve these targets.
“Through the effectiveness of various strategies implemented by the State Revenue and Economical Expenditure Improvement Committee, the state’s revenue in 2023 amounted to RM283.15 million, 41.1% higher than the estimated RM200.66 million,” he added.
“As of September this year, a total of RM221.39 million was successfully collected, which is 14% higher than the collection for the same period last year, amounting to RM194.13 million,” he said when tabling budget.
Ahmad Samsuri, touted as the party’s potential prime minister candidate, also said various mechanisms are also being considered to ensure that the long-term stability can be achieved without burdening anyone, especially the general public and the business community.
In the meantime, the state government is also targeting economic growth of between 6% to 7.2% per year to reach RM51.5 billion with total investments and trade exceeding RM29 billion and RM172 billion.
Challenges in Economic Framework, Governance
While PAS’ ideological clarity resonates strongly with its base, questions persist about its ability to address Malaysia’s broader economic challenges.
Political analyst Dr Mazlan Ali said PAS would always prefer to align its administration to promote the Islamic agenda.
He said that in states governed by PAS — Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu (SG4) — the economies appear less developed compared to other states in Malaysia, particularly those governed by parties such as BN and Pakatan Harapan (PH).
The party’s economic framework lacks clarity, Mazlan added.
“What kind of model is it, and how does PAS integrate Islamic principles with economic challenges? This lack of clarity is apparent,” Mazlan told The Malaysian Reserve (TMR).
Nusantara Academy for Strategic Research senior research fellow Dr Azmi Hassan echoed this view, citing PAS’s SG4 roadshow as an example of the party’s struggle to present actionable solutions.
“Nothing much that they can show during the roadshow, except that they want to create, I would say, a vehicle that shares prosperity between the four states,” he said.
PAS’ appeal remains largely regional, with its strongest support in Kelantan, Terengganu and
Kedah. Expanding beyond this base requires a more inclusive approach, particularly in engaging non-Muslim and non-Malay voters.
Analysts have pointed out that PAS’ departure from Pakatan Rakyat marked a turning point, alienating many non-Muslim supporters.
“In the context of Malaysia’s multiracial society, it is evident that PAS’ approach is still not accepted by the majority of non-Malays,” Mazlan said.
International Islamic University Malaysia Abdul Hamid Abu Sulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences head Assoc Prof Dr Syaza Farhana Mohamad Syukri said PAS’ reliance on an ethnonationalist-Islamist narrative consolidates its core base but limits its broader appeal.
Inclusivity, however, often appears situational for PAS. Syaza observed that while the party can be harsh toward religious minorities in Opposition, it demonstrates a more pragmatic approach in states where it governs.
“PAS seems to understand the need to get buy-in from non-Muslims at the state level,” she said.
She added that for the next five years, she sees PAS continuing to work closely with Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin-led Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia because the narrative of a Muslim-led government is working.
Beyond it, she believes PAS needs to re-evaluate itself and start to look at working with others again as it did previously with Pakatan Rakyat.
“It just keeps on criticising the government. In a way it is good as it keeps the government on its toes.
“But I feel even MPs and supporters on the government’s side are similarly critical. PAS needs to do more.”
Syaza Farhan added that the ethno-racial and ethno-religious mentality employed by the party would not help much in order for it to govern the states it has.
“PAS claims to prioritise the people’s welfare. However, development is also part of welfare as managed development can lead to better employment and livelihood. So, I think there’s a need for the ‘Islamic principles’ to be clarified,” she said.
Road Ahead
As PAS sets its sights on a national role, its ambitions extend beyond the SG4 to capturing Putrajaya by 2045. However, achieving this goal requires addressing several critical challenges.
First, broadening its appeal is crucial, as PAS must expand its voter base beyond the Malay-Muslim demographic to engage Malaysia’s diverse and multicultural society.
Although it has shown inclusivity in the past, particularly through its “PAS for All” campaign, its current ethno-nationalist approach has hindered its ability to secure support from non-Malay communities.
Second, delivering tangible results is vital. PAS’ governance at both the federal and state levels must demonstrate measurable economic and social progress. Critics have highlighted the lack of substantive achievements during its tenure in the federal government from 2020 to 2022 — a missed opportunity to showcase its readiness for national leadership.
Third, leadership renewal is crucial. Analysts have emphasised the need for younger leaders who can balance Islamic principles with a focus on national development. Such leaders could steer PAS toward a pragmatic governance model that appeals to a broader audience.
Lastly, PAS must navigate the tension between ethnonationalism and inclusivity.
While its narrative has effectively consolidated its base, it risks alienating other communities in Malaysia’s multicultural society. Reconciling these competing demands will be crucial for its future success.
Looking ahead, Mazlan suggested that PAS should remain in a coalition rather than going it alone. He emphasised that PAS cannot succeed independently, highlighting the importance of coalition politics.
Historically, PAS was part of Barisan Alternatif and later joined Pakatan Rakyat, and most recently aligned with PN, showing that PAS plays a significant role in Malaysian politics due to its considerable influence.
“When PAS aligns with a coalition, it strengthens its position and can achieve significant gains. For instance, its current success of winning over 40 parliamentary seats is largely due to its collaboration with PN.
“If PAS were to join Madani government, it could potentially gain even broader support. Therefore, PAS’ role in the future of Malaysian politics remains open-ended,” he said.
Mazlan insisted PAS indeed has a role to play in the current and future part of Malaysia. He believes that PAS is ready to rise and take on a larger role in shaping Malaysia’s political landscape in the future.
“Why do I say this? Firstly, PAS is a party with a large membership base and a significant number of supporters. It has a notable strength in mobilising young people.
“It operates various machinery, including an educational network that starts as early as the preschool level (Pusat Asuhan Tunas Islam). From a young age, PAS has already established systems and frameworks for development and education,” he said.
Mazlan added that PAS also has many activists, both in social and religious spheres, who can contribute to increasing public support for the party.
Azmi, meanwhile, is more open ended on the future. Giving an example of the Labour Party in the UK — which has revamped its branding — he said PAS’ target to capture Putrajaya has an ample timeline.
“Look at the Labour Party. It needs only three years to revamp Keir Starmer, to revamp the Labour Party. So that’s why I said for 10 years in the political timeline, it is a very long, long time indeed,” he said.
However, the party is not yet ready to step up and take on a larger role in Malaysia’s political future, as PAS needs to evolve into a more moderate, more intellectual body capable of leading intelligent discussions about Malaysia with less rhetoric.
“No, I don’t think so. With the current ally that they have, Bersatu, PAS will not be able to gain non-Malay voters’ confidence.
“At the current stage, it is more rhetoric compared to the content, policies, strategies. So, I don’t think so at the current stage, but it’s not yet ready,” he said.
From its formation as an Islamic bureau in UMNO to its rise as a dominant political force, PAS has demonstrated resilience and adaptability. Yet, its journey from a regional powerhouse to a national leader is far from complete.
As it navigates the crossroads of Malaysia’s political future, PAS must evolve to meet the demands of a diverse and modern electorate.
Whether PAS can overcome its challenges and fulfil its ambitions will determine not only its legacy but also its role in shaping Malaysia’s political landscape.
For now, PAS remains a party of immense potential — one poised to influence the nation’s direction for years to come.
Source : The Malaysian Reserve
The Coverage Malaysia
